Career Opportunities: Authenticity Versus the Manufactured in Punk Subculture

Disputably, there is greater value and meaning in youth culture that is authentically produced as opposed to manufactured culture. Synthetically produced aspects of music (which Jake Bugg states he is “championing against”- NME 2012), akin to the X-factor talent shows, boy bands, girl groups for example, may lack artistic credibility due to not writing their own material (Stahl, 2002; Huffington Post, 2011). They are usually perceived as products solely for financial gain in a culture of instant gratification (The Guardian, 2011; Independent, 2012). This is juxtaposed with the authentic; concerning itself with the truthfulness of origins, sincerity and intentions (Dutton, 2003). Arguments regarding authenticity have arisen since the dawns of popular music, with folk-blues musician Leadbelly being marketed by his prior criminal convictions to sell records (Filene, 2000). Discussions have continued, keeping it a forever unresolved topic.

Subcultures are distinguished in terms of what they are and are not (Force, 2009). Amongst many genres (Rose, 1994; McLeod, 1999), punk rock is associated with being a sincere representation of youth culture that is habitually in opposition to mainstream culture. Its aggression in terms of both image and music, confrontational attitude and shock factor challenges the notions of conforming to an ideal appearance and hegemony (Hebdige, 1979). Despite this, punk is not entirely free from criticisms of inauthenticity, as the mainstream has commoditized aspects of the subculture. Concepts of what is and isn’t “punk” are continuously discussed (Stereogum, 2014), as well as the concept that “punk is dead” entirely (Clark, 2003), or if it has evolved into a notion where the ethos is still relevant (Fact, 2013). Arguments have arisen from if punk is a constructive subculture that possesses great value and meaning or if it as much of a commercial force as mainstream manufactured culture.

Commonly, the consensus of what punk subculture “is” revolves around punk rock music, the style of attire and the attitude that punks express. Hebdige (1979) states that these factors are a reflective image of Britain’s post-war decay, where boredom and decline are represented in young people’s lives through simple, aggressive music, obscure and deliberately shocking clothing and a care free attitude of nihilism (Marcus, 1989). This is pre-eminently exemplified in the Dead Kennedy’s song, ‘California Uber Alles’ (1980; Kennedy, 1990) a satirical piece that constructs a fascist-hippie utopia from the perspective of Governor Jerry Brown. Apparel worn by punks shows a stylized presentation of themselves (Force, 2009) and is used to identify symbolic resistance, show disaffiliation from the mainstream culture and form a collective identity of solidarity and belonging to the subculture (LeBlanc, 1990). Punks appropriate signs and symbols to form their fashionable “anti-fashion” (Moore, 2004) such as wearing safety pins, Nazi swastikas, ripped clothes, items of merchandise of punk groups and bondage gear. Adopting items such as sexual paraphernalia and fascist imagery is to deliberately shock and offend (Hebdige, 1979). The Sex Pistols appropriated symbols of the Monarchy in the lead up to the Queen’s diamond jubilee. By using imagery associated with conservative Britain and the ruling classes such as the Union Jack and a defaced Queen Elizabeth, they attempted to show the ugly side of “the sick man of Europe” in the late 70s, a country steeped in financial turmoil and unemployment. An image that the Jubilee was trying to avert (Savage, 1979).

In Force’s (2009) observations, members of the subculture presented themselves as “being punk” through clothing and knowledge of punk culture and history. Owning a rare, esoteric record shows a legitimacy of awareness and confirms their identity, conforming to Goffman’s theory (1959) that objects convey meaning of oneself and Bennett’s (2000), which states that collective cultural meanings are inscribed in objects that allow for identity construction. Punk is a taste culture that features hierarchies of “hipness” so acting on this performance shows perceived authenticity (Thornton, 1995).

Through observing punk subculture, it is possible to understand a value in its ethos. Ideologies such as gender equality and gender issues (Against Me!, 2014), gay rights (Tom Robinson Band, 1979), racial equality, class issues and pro-health have been promoted through punk rock music. It is easy to set up a group, play the music and distribute thanks to punks anti-virtuoso and “do it yourself” stance (Hesmondglaph, 1998; Dale 2009). Punk music is a reaction to the upper-middle class and the virtuosity of progressive rock (Moore, 2007; Buzzcocks, 1977) thus allowing individuals the opportunity to get their message heard (Reynolds, 2006).

Young women were given a voice by the ‘riot grrrl’ underground movement, promoting feminist ideology in a genre known for its aggressive machoism (Marcus, 2010). They circulated their music and message of gay rights (Goldthorpe, 1992), gender empowerment and equality through independent labels (such as Kill Rock Stars), leaflets known as zines and activist events such as Rock for Choice (Leanord, 1997). However, some argue that mainstream culture can feature positive aspects of feminism, as the Spice Girls “Girl Power” rhetoric appealed, empowered and encouraged solidarity in young girls (Gonick, 2006).

Similarly, the straight edge mind-set was brought to attention through zines and DIY punk music distributed through an independent label (Williams, 2006). The term, most notably appreciated and stemmed from Minor Threat’s ‘Straight Edge’ (1981), refers to a lifestyle of abstaining from consuming alcohol, tobacco and other recreational drugs. Independent label Dischord specializes in affordable, DIY, local and straight edge music (Goshert, 2000; Dunn 2008).

Racial equality was promoted in punk through events such as Rock Against Racism, featuring punk bands such as The Clash, Sham 69 and Buzzcocks (Goodyer, 2003). Furthermore, all-African American group Bad Brains promoted black awareness and liberation through their music which fused hardcore punk consciously with Rastafari roots-reggae (Moskowitz, 2006).

Subgenres such as Oi! and anarcho-punk intended issues regarding class exploitation and consciousness were stressed. Oi! attempted to bring together a collective working class culture of punks, skinheads and rudeboys who were pro workers’ rights and  anti-youth unemployment (Robb, 2006). Anarcho-punk (where the music was just as extreme as its radical leftist sentiment), a genre spearheaded by Crass, was a reaction to the commercial. Their vocals would overshadow the music thus the message was the primary instrument on display (Rimbaud, 1998).

Belonging to the punk subculture allows for the individual to establish a network of underground media that expresses artistic sincerity and independence from the allegedly corrupting influence of commerce (Moore, 2004). It is a subculture where radical voices can be heard and spark influence. Women have been empowered through riot grrrl and thousands have become healthier due to the influence of straight edge, illustrating why authentic youth subcultures such as punk possess greater value and meaning than manufactured culture, which may never be as influential in a positive way.

Punk subculture isn’t free from judgements of the inauthentic and manufactured. Punk has its origins in middle class and art school backgrounds (Clarke, 1981), leading to conflicts internally from anarcho and Oi! fans. Redhead (1993) argues that youth subcultures such as punk suffer from in-authenticity and superficiality issues. McCracken (1998) states that acts of protest are formed through commodities that conform to a participation in a set of shared values and meanings; authenticity is based on subcultural capitol (Thornton, 1995). This can be seen in the punk “outfit” which ironically shows uniformity (Widdicombe, 1990; Force 2009). Identity of the subculture is constructed through comparison which provide members a sense of belonging in the social world (Tajfel, 1979). Muggleton (2008) argues that there are no original cultures, just hybridised forms of nostalgia. This can be observed by mainstream retailers selling commoditized punk attire, to those whom may have never heard the artists. (Bowe, 2010; Pitchfork, 2013). Even the “un-style” of grunge was capitalized by fashion (Clark, 2003). Aspects such as these indicate arguments that “punk is dead” due to its adoption by manufactured culture.

Ultimately, despite criticism and trivial commodification, punk is still a relevant subculture that possesses greater value and meaning comparably to manufactured culture. It may not be seen ostensibly, due to style mixing and eclecticism of contemporary taste (Polhenmus, 1997), as various scenes have stemmed from punk. (Bennett, 2006). Punks impact has spawned post-hardcore, folk punk and post-punk (Reynolds, 2006; Wagner, 2007), even genres such as thrash metal, indie rock and gothic rock are a result of punks splintering influence. This is all made more accessible to listen to, communicate, distribute and create thanks to technological advances and the Internet (Moran, 2011).

Punk can be used as a descriptor to show an anti-establishment ethos or attitude. Experimental hip-hop group Death Grips deliberately leaked their first album for major label Epic for free online, with responses from fans and music publications declaring this was “punk” (Noisey, 2013; Rolling Stone, 2012). Sleaford Mods offer a scathing view of contemporary Britain in a form of working class punk poetry (Fact, 2013) and “post-rock” group Godspeed You! Black Emperor’s radical views and shunning of the music press and industry led them to be named them “punks in the truest sense” (Guardian, 2012; Rumpus, 2014).

With a DIY ethic and “anyone can make it” attitude, punk subculture has enlightened many about positive movements regarding race, class, health, gender and homosexuality in a manner of social change. Punk continues to adapt, as shown in the definition of “what is punk?” changing and still relevantly targets social issues, as exemplified in Against Me!’s Transgender Dysphoria Blues (2014). Comparatively, manufactured culture is unfulfilled in this manner, so authentically produced youth cultures will continue to have control over meaning and value.

The question for this essay:  Jake Bugg (NME, 17th November 2012) claimed that “it’s my job to keep that X-Factor shit off the top of the charts”. Critically assess the contention that there is greater value and meaning in youth culture that is authentically produced by young people as opposed to manufactured culture.

References/Footnotes:

Against Me! (2014). Transgender Dysphoria Blues.

Bassil, R. (2013). Are Death Grips the Only Punk Band We Have Left? Available: http://noisey.vice.com/en_uk/blog/are-death-grips-the-only-punk-band-we-have-left. Last accessed 17th December 2014.

Battan, C. (2013). Ian MacKaye Says Urban Outfitters Is Authorized to Sell Minor Threat Shirts. Available: http://pitchfork.com/news/51717-ian-mackaye-says-urban-outfitters-is-authorized-to-sell-minor-threat-shirts/. Last accessed 17th December 2014.

Bennett, A. (2000). Popular Music and Youth Culture: Music Identity and Place. 27. London, Macmillan.

Bennett, A. (2006). Punk’s Not Dead: The Continuing Significance of Punk Rock for An Older Generation of Fans. Sociology, 40(2), 219-235.

Blackman, S. (2005). Youth Subcultural Theory: A Critical Engagement with the Concept, Its Origins and Politics, From the Chicago School to Postmodernism. Journal of Youth Studies, 8(1), 1-20.

Bowe, B. (2010). The Ramones: American Punk Rock Band. Enslow Publishers, Inc.

Breihan, T. (2014). Joyce Manor Ignite Punk Scene Controversy With Anti-Stagediving Stance. Available: http://www.stereogum.com/1707809/joyce-manor-ignite-punk-controversy-with-anti-stagediving-stance/video/. Last accessed 15th December 2014.

Buzzcocks. (1977). Boredom. Spiral Scratch.

Clark, D. (2003). The Death and Life of Punk, the Last Subculture. In David Muggleton and Rupert Weinzierl (eds.), The Post-Subcultures Reader. Oxford: Berg. 223-236.

Clarke, G. (1981). Defending Ski-Jumpers: A Critique of Theories of Youth Subcultures. Reproduced in S. Frith and A. Goodwin (eds.), 1990. On Record: Rock, Pop and the Written Word. London. Routledge

Cosslett, R. (2012). The Spice Girls Were My Gateway Drug To Feminism. Available: http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2012/dec/13/spice-girls-feminism-viva-forever. Last accessed 20th January 2015.

Costa, M. (2012). Godspeed You! Black Emperor: ‘You make music for the king and his court, or for the serfs outside the walls’. Available: http://www.theguardian.com/music/2012/oct/11/godspeed-you-black-emperor-interview. Last accessed 17th December 2014.

Dunn, K. C. (2008). Never Mind the Bollocks: The Punk Rock Politics of Global Communication. Review of International Studies, 34(1), 193-210.

Dutton, D (2003). “Authenticity in Art”. In Jerrold Levinson. The Oxford Handbook of Aesthetics. New York: Oxford University Press.

Filene, B. (2000). Creating the Cult of Authenticity. Romancing the Folk: Public Memory & American Roots Music. UNC Press Books. 47-76.

Force, W. R. (2009). Consumption Styles and the Fluid Complexity of Punk Authenticity. Symbolic Interaction, 32(4), 289-309.

Goldthorpe, J. (1992). Intoxicated Culture-Punk Symbolism and Punk Protest. Socialist Review, 22(2), 35-64.

Gonick, M. (2006). Between” Girl Power” And” Reviving Ophelia”: Constituting The Neoliberal Girl Subject. NWSA Journal, 18(2), 1-23.

Goodyer, I. (2003). Rock Against Racism: Multiculturalism and Political Mobilization, 1976–81. Immigrants & Minorities, 22(1), 44-62.

Goshert, J. C. (2000). “Punk” After the Pistols: American Music, Economics, and Politics in the 1980s and 1990s. Popular Music & Society, 24(1), 85-106.

Hebdige, D. (1979). Subculture: The Meaning of Style. New York: Routledge.

Hesmondhalgh, D. (1998). Post-Punk’s Attempt to Democratize the Music Industry: The Success and Failure of Rough Trade. Popular Music, 16(3), 255–74.

Huffington Post (2011). Simon Cowell’s The X Factor Is Killing Music. Available: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/01/12/charlotte-church-simon-cowells-x-factor-is-killing-music_n_807929.html. Last accessed 15th December 2014.

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Leblanc, L. (1999). Pretty in Punk: Girl’s Gender Resistance in a Boy’s Subculture. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.

Leonard, M. (1997). Feminism, ‘Subculture’, and Grrrl Power. Sexing the Groove: Popular Music and Gender. Ed. Sheila Whitely, 230-255.

Marcus, G. (1989). Lipstick Traces: A Secret History of the Twentieth Century. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Marcus, S. (2010). Girls to the Front: the True Story of the Riot Grrrl Revolution. HarperCollins.

McCracken, G. (1988), Culture and Consumption: New Approaches to the Symbolic Character of Consumer Goods and Activities, Bloomington and Indianapolis. IN: Indiana University Press.

McLeod, K. (1999). Authenticity Within Hip‐Hop and Other Cultures Threatened With Assimilation. Journal of Communication, 49(4), 134-150.

Moore, R. (2004). Postmodernism and Punk Subculture: Cultures of Authenticity and Deconstruction. The Communication Review, 7(3), 305-327.

Moore, R. (2007). Friends Don’t Let Friends Listen to Corporate Rock Punk as a Field of Cultural Production. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 36(4), 438-474.

Moran, I. (2011). Punk: The Do-It-Yourself Subculture. Social Sciences Journal, 10(1), 58-65.

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Robb, J. (2006). Punk Rock: An Oral History, London: Elbury Press.

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Stahl, M. (2002). Authentic boy bands on TV? Performers and Impresarios in The Monkees and Making the Band. Popular Music, 21(3), 307-329.

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Williams, P. (2006). Authentic Identities Straightedge Subculture, Music, and the Internet. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 35(2), 173-200.

 

 

 

No Repetitive Beats Allowed: The Criminalisation of Rave Culture

Introduction

The Criminal Justice and Public Order Act of 1994 can be criticised for its uninformed approaches of preventing the enjoyable experiences of members of the rave youth subculture. The Act of Parliament instigated by Michael Howard of the Conservative government was a calculated attempt to steer the public eye away from the scandals of drug taking and to create a night-time economy fuelled by the legal, socially acceptable and effortlessly attainable drug, alcohol. Drugs have been linked with music and post-war youth subcultures since mods were taking amphetamines (Hebdige, 1976) and psychologist Timothy Leary advocated LSD use, uttering the now immortalized phrase of “Turn on, tune in, drop out” (1990) during the hugely momentous hippie movement, even influencing The Beatles to write ‘Tomorrow Never Knows’ (1966). The Act was the first attempt from the government to eradicate a youth subculture entirely.

The Emergence of Rave

In the late 1980s, a new youth phenomena known as rave was introduced. Fuelled by ecstasy use, clubbers would attend nightclubs that played acid house music, it unified subcultures because of its collective spirit, upbeat music and friendly, immersive environment (Malbon, 1999) that transcended race, gender and sexuality (Thornton, 1995). Dance culture became highly prominent, with clubs such as “Trip” and “Shoom” opening in the late 80s (Reynolds, 1998, p.59) which resulted in the Second Summer of Love; football hooligans usually associated with violence and racism began taking ecstasy and peacefully enjoying raves (Shapiro, 2000, p.64). The scene created a culture of solidarity for like-minded individuals (Bennett, 1990) where the youths attending had a strong preference for eclectic music which attracted previously opposed subcultures (Redhead, 1997), highlighted in the sensation of Madchester groups such as The Stone Roses who fused acid house rhythms with 60s pop and alternative rock (Robb, 2012; Brown et al 2000). Manchester’s Hacienda club promoted house nights and created the Madchester music culture, a “heavily geographical and partly chemical regional scene” that situated itself outside of the London movement (Maconie, 2012). Clubbing after hours was illegal, club attendees would continue the partying at inconspicuous venues such as empty warehouses or former jails (Reynolds, 1998, p.63) thus fashioning rave culture. It became an immensely popular British youth subculture, with illegal raves occurring in towns and cities on a bi-weekly basis.

The Big Comedown

The high period for raves soon expired. Tabloid sensationalism induced a moral panic surrounding the new, popular drug ecstasy as a result of the death of Janet Mayes (Cohen, 2002). The period documented a time of youth subculture where drug use seemed to be the norm for young people, with approximately half having taken a drug (Parker et al., 1998). Media perceptions of rave were initially positive, The Sun even marketed its own raver’s T-shirts (Critcher, 2000). Nonetheless, perceptions became extremely negative following health fears regarding ecstasy use and outrages concerning vast, unsupervised gatherings such as the Castlemorton Common Festival (McKay, 1996).

As a result of public pressure and media sensationalism, The Criminal Justice and Public Order Act of 1994 was introduced under the guise of environmental noise issues caused by raves. The Act effectively banned outdoor gatherings that played loud music by creating laws against trespass with the attempt to reside and introduced new policing measures such as searching, stopping and redirecting traffic away from raves in addition to equipment seizing. Penalties for infringement were extreme fines of up to £1000. Increased policing of drugs was also announced, with seizures of ecstasy moving significantly from 0 in 1988 to 5.6million in 1996 (Parker et al., 1998. p12).

Public Backlash and Post-Modern Protest Music

Ostensibly, despite the negative press, not all opinions indicated that rave subculture was a holistically moral panic inducing spectacle (McRobbie & Thornton, 1995) as there were considerable objections. The Freedom to Party campaign protested the Act with 10,000 demonstrators claiming the laws were authoritarian measures of clamping down on individuals moral judgements (Collin, 2010). Writers stated that policy was created on the basis of judging people’s lifestyles and suppressing the activities of alternative subcultures (Savage, 1999; Gilbert, 1999). Opposition also came from an array of musicians including electronic group Autechre whose song ‘Flutter’ on the Anti-EP featured rhythms that couldn’t be classified as part of the governments’ ambiguous stance on the “emission of a succession of repetitive beats”. Highly significant culturally, it was protest music absent of lyrical content, the first post-modern protest song (Autechre, 1994; Atkinson, 2007).

The Regeneration of Urban Space and the Rise of Alcohol

Critics and rave attendees stated the act was a calculated attempt to sway youths from taking illegal drugs to taxable alcohol instead. Measham and Brain (2005) indicated that regenerative efforts were created for recreational urban space in city centres. Suave and fashionable cocktail and chain bars were introduced, appealing to youths more-so than pubs which were perceived as solely suiting a demographic of working class males. Young people, including ex-ravers, flocked to nightclubs and bars, creating a night-time economy where taxable alcohol became extremely lucrative, yielding 23 billion pounds annually (Hayward & Hobbs, 2007). The alcohol market facilitates immoderate city drinking with discounted mixed spirit shots, high strength lagers and sweet alcopops that are eye-catching to young people (Measham, 2004; Goddard, 2000), creating a culture of socially acceptable public drunkenness (Strategy Unit, 2004). Licensing laws were liberalised in order for nightclubs operate on a 24-hour basis and pubs have later last orders, contradicting government rhetoric on preventing binge drinking and instead exploiting the economic benefits of the burgeoning night-time economy (Measham & Brian, 2005). Consequently, young people’s drug use decreased (Parker, 2005; Campbell, 2011) but sessional alcohol consumption escalated significantly (Measham, 2004) accompanied by alcohol related deaths (ONS, 2010), shaping a hectic city centre environment characterised by a dangerous binge drinking culture (Hayward & Hobbs, 2007).

The War on Drugs

As a subsequent result of banning raves, drug prohibition strategies have continued whilst alcohol is promoted. Labour employed more criminal justice measures in the Drugs Act of 2005 by constructing potentially harmful coercive measures to prevent addicts from using (Hunt, 2005). The current government formed similar drug policies such as seizing supplies, reducing demand (Home Office, 2010) and withdrawing benefits for un-cooperative users. Unlike Labour who introduced strategies upon entering power, the Coalition failed to address strategies on drug policy until 7 months of being elected (Home Office, 2010), highlighting a negligible lack of attentiveness in the field. This is despite an increase of youth use of legal highs (UNODC, 2013) potentially dangerous chemical content and easily accessible availability from online retailers create health uncertainties (Measham, 2010). The government ignores consultations of scientific research (Nutt, 2010) and Home Office Data (2014) on international drug polices, suggesting a preoccupation with alcohol revenues. Such policy directions oppose the implementation of progressive drug policies and reproduce negative attitudes towards recreational users who many still construct as deviant threats to societal norms (Lloyd, 2013; Young, 1971). Chief drug advisor David Nutt was dismissed following research which established that alcohol as a drug caused the greatest problems and harms to society (Nutt, 2010), suggesting that drug policies are based on political agendas and not factual, scientific evidence.

Calls for Change

The unification of previously opposed subcultures (Malbon, 1999) was not considered by the government as a potential positive of raves and instead; outdated, traditional views of drug users as hedonistic deviants was applied to millions of young people in the culture instead of the majority of responsible ecstasy takers. The subculture created planned group behaviour to enjoy a release from rational society and work and abstained from damaging their health by becoming dangerously intoxicated (Ravn, 2012; Parker, 2003). Policies introduced from recent governments offer naïve mind-sets of young people’s drug use and the continued prohibition creates issues surrounding drug purity, dosage and substance mixing. However, contemporary policy in localised realms offers sensible initiatives. The Warehouse Project runs drug testing schemes for unsafe products and warnings are published on social media and in-venue signs (Pidd, 2013). The WEDINOS laboratory allows for the testing of drugs and publishes their potentially dangerous effects as a form of harm reduction (Power, 2014). The Liberal Democrats and Green Party have openly and historically called for legislation change and the implementation of progressive drug laws including introducing taxable drugs and making the Advisory Council for the Misuse of Drugs independent, continuing this initiative in their latest manifestos (Green Party, 2006;2015; Lib Dems, 2015;2015). Proposals such as these offer progressive alternatives to laws on drug use, and if education and sensible, taxable distribution is applied by the government, then there is a potential for rave culture to be resurrected safely and legally.

Conclusively, The Criminal Justice and Public Order Act of 1994 responded in an aggressive, uninformed manner to sensationalised media coverage and public pressure based on a minority of individual cases. Ultimately, resulting from the criminalisation of rave and ecstasy, a night-time economy was calculatedly introduced whereby taxable and profitable alcohol became the drug of choice made available at aesthetically improved clubs. The act was successful at commoditising aspects of rave subculture such as legal open gatherings and nightclubs that play electronic music (Measham, 2004). Young people flocked to cities as a form of recreational activity, establishing a binge-drinking culture where public violence, disorderly behaviour and health issues were created through consuming inhibition decreasing amounts of alcohol.

 

The essay question for this piece regarded a critique on a government policy which related to youth culture. It features more in regards to policy than music or sub-cultural matters.

References/Footnotes:

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Autechre. (1994). Flutter. Anti EP.

Bennett, A. (1999). Subcultures or Neo-Tribes? Rethinking the Relationship Between Youth, Style and Musical Taste. Sociology, 33 (3), 599-617.

Brown, A., O’Connor, J. & Cohen, S. (2000). Local Music Policies within a Global Music Industry: Cultural Quarters in Manchester and Sheffield. Geoforum, 31(4), 437-451.

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Critcher, C. (2000). ‘Still Raving’: Social Reaction to Ecstasy. Leisure Studies, 19(3), 145-162.

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